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«12. . .22,16822,16922,17022,17122,17222,17322,174. . .24,38924,390»

Athara magarat

Aizcona wrote:So, what's everybody up to?

Reading modding instructions.

Aizcona wrote:So, what's everybody up to?

Drinking down a 22 oz bottle of 9.75% abv Drake’s Denogginizer Beer and some Wild Turkey 101 while watching stuff about cool weird ass dinosaurs like Tanystropheus and Therizinosaurus. And apparently there’s fossil evidence that an Allosaurus was nutshottted by a stegosaur spike tail. Millions of years later and I still cringe for that poor Allo.

(No work tomorrow thankfully)

Razzgriz, Thuzbekistan, Almorea, and Aizcona

Aizcona wrote:So, what's everybody up to?

Sleeping.

Aizcona wrote:So, what's everybody up to?

Work

Martenyika wrote:Drinking down a 22 oz bottle of 9.75% abv Drake’s Denogginizer Beer and some Wild Turkey 101 while watching stuff about cool weird ass dinosaurs like Tanystropheus and Therizinosaurus. And apparently there’s fossil evidence that an Allosaurus was nutshottted by a stegosaur spike tail. Millions of years later and I still cringe for that poor Allo.

(No work tomorrow thankfully)

Lmao that sucks

Martenyika wrote:Drinking down a 22 oz bottle of 9.75% abv Drake’s Denogginizer Beer and some Wild Turkey 101 while watching stuff about cool weird ass dinosaurs like Tanystropheus and Therizinosaurus. And apparently there’s fossil evidence that an Allosaurus was nutshottted by a stegosaur spike tail. Millions of years later and I still cringe for that poor Allo.

(No work tomorrow thankfully)

They have names for people like you, especially when you have to go to work.

Alteran republics

Wellsia wrote:They have names for people like you, especially when you have to go to work.

Fun, life-loving party people?

Razzgriz and Cantonos

Agadar wrote:Fun, life-loving party people?

I was thinking more on the lines of hen-housey or chicken-$hit, since I was able to join him.

Razzgriz and Alteran republics

Thuzbekistan

The People's Republic of Thuzbekistan


Flag


Motto:



Location Northeastern Corner of The Western Isles


Population: 24.6 Million
-Density: 80.7 Per Square Kilometer


Capital: Ashluv
Largest City: Ashluv


Official Language: Turkish



National Language: Turksih


Demonym: Thuzbek

Government:
- Prime Minister: Alaattin Cihangir
- Deputy Prime Minister: Derya Nadire
- Vanguard Chairman: Atilla Lütfi
- Opposition Chairman: Harun Burak


Legislature:
Parliament: 100 Members


Independence: 1953


Land Area: 304,711km2


GDP (nominal): 383.76 Billion
GDP (nominal) per capita: 15,600


Currency: Thuz


Drives on the: Left




The People's Republic of Thuzbekistan

The People's Republic of Thuzbekistan, commonly called Thuzbekistan, is a Democratic Federal Republic in The Western Isles. It is surrounded by the Eterna Sea and just South-east of San Jimenez and East of Ostehaar. Thuzbekistan has three provinces. It has a population of 24,600,000 people and a GDPpc of 15,600. It's major industries lie in the energy, mining, manufacturing, and ship building.

Thuzbekistan attempts to be a large naval power in the Eterna sea and will use that power as it sees fit. Whether it be protecting merchant ships, performing patrols for pirates, or drilling for the possible wars it may face, Thuzbekistan's navy is the first thought of its populace in terms of government power. It is also dedicated to helping the socialist cause and international revolution, aiding leftist groups in any manner it can.

Etymology

The first mention of "Thuzbekistan" was made by the fascist Magistrate in 1937, but it had orignally come from the word Thuzbek, which was the name of the Republic which preceded the fascist dictatorship. Thuzbek is mostly a Turvinian pronunciation of Thuzlan, the name of the empire that attempted to conquer the Turvinian Clans from the early 16th century and on into the 19th, finally taking it from Noronica in 1885. Thuzbekistan, however, was made by the fascist dictator to give the Thuzbeks a stronger reference to their Islamic faith than before. The People's Republic of Thuzbekistan chose to keep it for that reason as well, as the name had been more popular among the poor and middle classes than the "Thuzbek Republic" had been.

The standard way to refer to a citizen of Thuzbekistan is as a "Thuzbek."

History

Thuzbekistan is a nation of extremes. Throughout its 1,000 year history, it has been a land occupied by both tribal herders in Turvin and fierce warlords in Thuzla. Much of its early history is marred by ethnic wars of conquest and annihilation, survival, and economy. Throughout its first few centuries, the forces that would later build the Turvinian Republic and the Magistry of Thuzla were carried by the constant threat of war. In Turvin, the coastal clans near Ashluv and Bashlon not only had to worry about the more inland clans, but also the Magarati hangates. In Thuzla, the constant fighting would turn the mountainous lands into a series of opposing strongholds with the center of that country a constant site of bloodshed for many years. Though both nations would soon unite their respective peoples under one banner (Turvin in the weak Repulic and Thuzla in the strongman regime of the Magistry), both would fight not only each other, but foreign powers as well. As early as 1700, Noronican planners eyed Turvin for its strategic location in the Eterna Sea. The Colonial Wars from 1735 between the Empire of Thuzla and the Empire of Noronica would eventually be the founding struggles of Thuzbekistan. Throughout this time period, Islam was busy taking root throughout the Empire of Thuzla and slowly trickling into Turvin, transforming both nation's cultures and society as a whole. Only the Noronican influence stemmed the flow of Islam into Turvin with ramifications that last to this day.

After the end of the Colonial Wars in 1885, the nation was ruled by the Republic of Thuzbek, an autocracy formed as the result of a compromise between Turvinian nationalists and leaders and the conquering Thuzlan Empire, though some Thuzlans still refer to this as the Empire. It was weak and suffered of strikes and internal instability as the Magistrate attempted to force the population into submission. Though the Council put up as much a fight as it could, the Magistrate was usually the victor in these political squabbles. However, this would not be enough for Veerso Blashinki, who staged a coup in 1937 and established the Magistry of Thuzbekistan. Throughout his reign from 1937-52, Blashinki started the Oster-Thuzbek war, carried out a genocide of non-Thuzbek citizens and communists, and forced Islam on the whole of the nation. While his regime was also the cause of many programs which still exist today, Blashinki's reign ultimately came to a violent end in 1952 when Communists violently revolted with the aid of Ostehaar in 1951. Though it took nearly a year of fighting in which massacres, poison gas, and civilian deaths were common, the Communists overcame the Magistry in 1952.

In 1953, Deniz Emirhan was elected the first Prime Minister of Thuzbekistan by the provisional government. He immediately set to work establishing the government and signing the laws that ultimately created the parliament as it is today. Though this temporary dictatorship which established the government cast the foreboding signs of the Magistry as Emirhan consolidated his power, the Parliament was eventually given the full power to legislate, though the Prime Minister still has unchecked power over the courts. Throughout the next decades, Thuzbekistan would focus on creating a system that could provide for its citizens and government. Despite this inward focus, it was heavily involved in many communist wars and uprisings throughout the Cold War era, in which it also fought a cold war with Ostehaar. Famines, economic depressions and crashes, and slow, inefficient bureaucracy were the hallmarks of Thuzbekistan in this era. Most of this was period lay under the control of International Socialist Party, there were brief intervals of Islamic Socialist ruling as well. This era ended in 1994 with the dissolution of the UCCR.

When the UCCR fell, the Islamic Socialist Party regained power and their Prime Minister Emin Vedat set about an ambitious program of reforms to the economic, military, and social systems of the nation which ultimately stabilized it and brought the nation into the modern world. It revived its rivalry with Ostehaar in the early 2000's during this period with its military reforms and activities. In 2018, it once again attempted to revert its former ally Orsandia, which resulted in sanctions and an ongoing economic crisis which is only just beginning to stabilize.

More Info Here

Geography

Thuzbekistan is made up of two large islands Which are connected by a small landbridge. The largest of the two is known as Thuzla and the smaller is known as Turvin. On Thuzla, a gently sloping volcanic mountain dominates the landscape. It is believed by Geologists that the volcano is responsible for the islands' creation. At its base, the island then slopes into a fertile and lightly forested region. Turvin, however, is more rugged and rocky with small, rocky mountains dotting the land bridge which connects the two islands. There are only 2 large rivers in Thuzbekistan, though, and both flood in the spring due to snow. The Marla River runs East to West down the volcanic mountain and then slopes south towards the sea, ensuring the fertility of the surrounding area with its tributaries. The second is the Ashlun River system, which is a collection of small rivers which meet about 8 kilometers from the southern coast of Turvin before dumping into the sea.

The islands feature long winters, but also short, intense Summers. Most of the precipitation comes to the island in the form of snow on the mountaintops, which floods down in Spring and Summer. Besides this, the islands are dry for most of the year and hosts clear skies most of the time.

Before 1984, the Thuzbek government and people cared little for the environment. Over fishing, air pollution, and badly managed trash from its rapidly growing cities floated in its waters. However, in 1984, international and public pressure forced the government to enact environmentalist policies. In 1992, the government enacted laws to stop the overfishing being done by rural fisherman and state businesses. Now, the Thuzbek government is attempting to re advertise the nation as a beautiful tourist resort.

INSERT MAP

Demographics

Population
Thuzbekistan features a racially and ethnically diverse population as a result of its central location in the Eterna Sea. Though 84 percent are muslim, there are many religious minorities.

Government

The Thuzbek Government is a Federal Republic with an enforced 2 Party System in which the "Vanguard Party" holds a majority and the "Opposition party" is the conglomerate of minority parties meant to balance and ensure a diversity of views is presented while also ensuring that the socialists do not lose power regardless of public opinion. The parties hold sessions in the Unicameral Parliament in the capital city of Ashluv. The Parties are run by Party Chairmen, which act as the bosses of the party as a whole. The parties also both elect their own Prime Ministers. The Vanguard Prime Minister is the Head of State and Government with the Deputy Prime Minister, which is elected by the Opposition Party, filling a mostly advisory role. The Prime Minister leads the Executive branch of the government. While the Judiciary also falls under this branch and technically a department of the Executive, it is generally considered to be independent and lead by an American-Inspired Chief Justice.

The government has a total budget of 214.905 Billion, just over half the Total GDP of the country. It spends lavishly on large Healthcare programs, welfare systems, and education. The military receives 23 Billion every year. To fund these programs, the population is taxed heavily. The average tax rate in Thuzbekistan is about 55 percent and 95 percent for the top earners of the nation.

Politics in Thuzbekistan

Politics in Thuzbekistan is dominated by the "Vanguard Party" and the "Opposition Party". Each party elects a chairman at the beginning of the year. The chairman then controls the party with the role of the Vanguard essentially being to keep to keep the members in line while the Opposition chairman works to keep hostile minorities in order, such as Nazis and Anarchists. Both parties then elect their own Prime minister, or the Parties Representative in the Executive Branch. Only the Vanguard may elect the Prime Minister, however, with the Opposition's pick always becoming Deputy Prime Minister. The only time an Opposition pick has been Prime Minister was in 1984 when the Prime minister died in office and was replaced for the remainder of his 5 year term. However, the Vanguard Party quickly elected a new one to take over the role and the Deputy Prime Minister was dismissed.

The Vanguard party, which controls the 100 member parliament by law, is made up of three socialist parties which vary little in beliefs. All of them believe in the traditional Marxist approach, but believe that his methods cannot always be applied to modern day economics. While a few look to the USSR for inspiration, most members of these parties look to leaders in the Islamic world. Some even point to the First Caliph of the Islamic Empire as the source of inspiration for the Guaranteed Minimum Income. Despite their Islamic leanings, though, the Socialist Parties of the Vanguard are stoutly secular. Nearly every Vanguard chairman since 1978 has been an atheist or Deist of some sort and is always from within the ranks of the party elite.

The "Opposition Party", on the other hand, is extremely diverse. It has held everything from Nazis to Anarcho-Communists in its ranks. While it is only allowed to have 40 seats of the hundred available, it is used as a marker of how the populace is feeling. In 1958, for example, Nazis were elected en masse, controlling 33 of the 40 seats. The Government responded to this by finally addressing many of the racial and ethnic issues which had arisen from Nazi Rule in from 1937-1953. However, it is most often a divided party with too many disagreements to ever work together even if they were allowed a majority. Chairmen elected by the party have been as diverse as the parties they control. For years, a socialist might reign only to lose to a Capitalist the next year. However, these chairmen must be approved by the Prime Minister, who is most often completely loyal to the Vanguard party.

Parties

Vanguard:

Chairman: Atilla Lütfi

The Vanguard is the Coalition of the three most supported Socialist parties in Thuzbekistan. Its parties are popularly elected and the party with the most seats is entered first followed by the next two runner ups.

International Socialist Party:

The International Socialist party believes that international socialism should be the ultimate goal of stable Socialist states. To spread the revolution, secure it across national borders, and cement it for the next hundred years is their goal. They are the single largest party in Parliament and both Prime Minister Alaattin and the Foreign Minister are from this party.

Islamic Socialist Party:

The Islamic Socialist party is the second largest party in Thuzbekistan. While they share many of the same feelings as the International Socialist Party, they are more concerned with the preservation of Islam in Thuzbekistan and ensuring its compatibility with Socialism in the future. Its largest concern is the secular attitude taken by most other socialist parties.

Democratic Progressive Party:

The Democratic Progressive Party believes strongly in the ideals of democracy so long as the system prevents the counter Revolutionaries from gaining power. They also are largely focused on the social situation in Thuzbekistan. They are usually proponents of Sexual equality, the relaxation of Islamic and traditional law, and are always attempting to modernize the rural way of life.

Opposition

Chairman: Harun Burak

The Opposition Party is the coalition of the minority parties. At times, this party has up to 5 or 6 minority parties in it. In 2018, it only has two. They are organized again from the top to the bottom in order of seats won.

The Conservative Party:

The Conservative party is the central party of all opposition in Thuzbekistan. It holds the most consistency, stability, and are known to be more centrist than right winged. They are largely Islamic, seek to build up and protect the crafts market (the only real market in Thuzbekistan) and to conserve the Rural way of life. They believe heavily in the traditions. Its members are often from Yurt Villages and rural farm or mining towns.

The Center Socialist Party:

The Center Socialist Party are devout centrists. They believe mostly in a form of market socialism rather than the more Leninist approach that Thuzbekistan holds today. While they are the smallest party currently in the Parliament, they are a fast growing party. Because they meet the criteria of being "socialist", they could even attain the Vanguard rank and break out of its 40 seat limit. However, the Conservative Party has so far refused to give ground to the CSP due to their differing beliefs regarding Islam in Thuzbekistan.

Elections

The People's Republic of Thuzbekistan is a Representative Democracy with a 100 member parliament. Its members are elected directly by the populace, which is divided into electoral zones based on population density, where the Urban centers are kept separate from rural areas as well as being given more representatives. The Vanguard Party controls 60 of the seats, most of them being in the city centers and a few in the rural areas. The Opposition controls the other 40 and are almost entirely in rural areas of the nation. Every Candidate running for office in each party's seats must be approved by the reigning Chairmen, who is elected by the Parties themselves.

Foreign Relations and Military

Diplomacy is handled by the State Department of the Executive branch. Throughout its history, the People's Republic has maintained a steadfast devotion to the extension of the Revolution. However, it has sacrificed this stated goal in the name of economic interest and trade a multitude of times.

The Thuzbek military is largely a Maritime force. Almost all of its 11.5 Billion is dumped into Naval assets, training, and operations. The Small army is mostly made for internal security via National Guard units which is backed up by a Army-like police force funded by local governments and federal funds. There is no separate air force, however, and all air assets are confined to the Army and the Navy.

Economy

Economic Indicators

Currency: Thuz
Fiscal Year: 2018


GDP (nominal): 383.76 Billion
GDP (nominal) per capita: 15,600
Unemployment: 0

The Thuzbek economy is almost 100 percent state owned and operated. While small, family businesses, and farms are operated outside of the state's control, the concept of private property has been abolished. In its place are a multitude of state programs that divvy up housing plots, industrial land, and other basic resources to build and plan cities. These operations are coordinated in a federal system of worker's councils, which plan and distribute resources throughout the nation. Its largest industries are in the Infrastructure, Mining, and Transportation sectors. In infrastructure, the nation boasts many high level rail systems that dot the landscape, a necessary development with the rise of the mining, manufacturing, and refinement sectors. Road construction is also a part of it as Thuzbekistan strives to connect every rural village with reliable access to Distribution centers. The Thuzbek Private sector is exceedingly small, but largely untaxed. In many parts of the nation, these small businesses, usually with a license, are mostly small tourist shops, craftsmen, and manual dye makers. While the business itself is untaxed (mostly due to the fact that private property is abolished, thus making its existence difficult to tax), the income gained from the business is taxed all by itself. Anyone making above the GMI (guaranteed minimum income) are taxed at a gradual rate until it hits 55 percent at 75,000. It becomes 95 Percent after 125,000.

Federal Worker's CouncilSystem

Rank

Location

National Worker's Council

Ashluv

Provincial Worker's Council

Bashlon, Turvin and Baslov, Thuzla

Local Worker's Council

Rural villages, Major cities

The Federal Worker's Council System

In the People's Republic, almost all transactions are controlled or made by the state. Resources are distributed based on need, projections on agricultural output and needs, and other issues are made by the state as well. This is done through the Federal Worker's Council System. The System, as its called by the populace, is a federal system of Worker's Councils which manage the engines of the economy. While officially there are only three levels (National, Provincial, and Local), Turvin has an unofficial level known as the North-South Level. It consists of two councils just under the Worker's Council of Turvin. One is based in Bashlon, the other in Carzil.

In the System, information is collected at the local level, compiled, then sent up to the Provincial levels, then up to the National level. At the national level, the Worker's Council attempts to allocate resources, project economic output, and move labor where its needed. In the early years of the system (1954-1965) it was hardly effective. Wildly drastic shortages or surpluses would appear in everything from food supplies to toothbrushes. At one point in 1961, a clerical error resulted in a million more shoes being made than were needed. In that same year, the Great Famine of 1961 began and ended, resulting in 100,000 deaths, most of them under the age of 15 or over the age of 40. In 1965, the entire system was completely redone and was modeled after the Principles of Council Communism, a more libertarian approach to the leftist ideology. The bureaucracy was streamlined, more power was given to local councils, and the National Government began to take more of an oversight role. While this prevented further famines and overproduction, quality became a severe issue and a small black market quickly began to form.

Without the regulation, local councils had become competitors in how well they made certain products in order to win contracts or grants from the national government which would raise their constituents quality of life at the cost of their neighbors. In 1974, the National government under the International Socialist Party of Thuzbekistan rectified the situation, taking direct control of the System once more. Under its own version of the five year plan, it reorganized the system and the economy by organizing regional sectors and further streamlining the bureaucracy once more. This time the system stuck and stability was finally reached. Since this time as well as since the digitization of the system by Bashlon Software Collective in 2009, the economy was on a slow, but steady rate of growth. That ended in 2018, when the heavily export reliant economy was sanctioned by a multitude of countries for the nation's involvement in the Orsandian Civil War. While most sanctions were lifted with the end of the conflict, others remained. The sanctions led to a massive recession which showed the weaknesses of the Federal Worker's Council System in administering the welfare systems of the nation. Since then, politicians have been back and forth on how to handle the issue.

Sectors and Industries

Thuzbekistan's economy is almost wholly reliant on mining and manufacturing. Despite rather large agricultural, service, and other industries, the nation primarily exports its refined or manufactured products. It also has a large shipping and ship building industry in the nation, which is the focus of Baslov, Thuzla.

Culture

DESCRIBE CULTURE

Infrastructure

Thuzbek infrastructure varies in quality and consistency throughout the nation. Despite cities being relatively well maintained, only large highways receive adequate attention outside of them. On the backroads of Thuzbekistan, most are still dirt or gravel roads. However, smaller highways are paved, though they are often littered with potholes. Thus, the largest method of transporting freight is by rail, which was originally started in 1851, but was modernized and completed by Vancouvian rail companies in 1909 and again in 1967. Since then, Thuzbek Rail Collective has managed the lines.

Another form of transport for both passenger and freight is air travel. Well developed airports dot Thuzbekistan. The largest are the Ashluvian International Airport, the Baslov International Airport, and the Bashlon Regional Airport. Each airport is managed by an individual collective, which reports to the local Council. However, to better coordinate air travel and air collectives, the Thuzbek National Air Service Collective was established in 1974. It reports directly to the National Worker's Council in Ashluv.

Docks and seaports are also a large part of the infrastructure in Thuzbekistan. Though it isn't the largest, shipbuilding and shipping in general marks a key aspect of both Thuzbek national pride and its economy. As factories churn out goods for the rest of the Isles, Thuzbekistan ships its products across the region. This makes the docks some of the busiest places in a Thuzbek City. In Baslov, at least 400-500 ships come in and out a day. To service this many ships, docks around Thuzbekistan are well equipped with efficient loading and unloading equipment and trained crews. These docks are also supervised directly by the military, providing security and acting as customs agents when necessary.

Energy

Thuzbekistan's energy systems are as old and outdated as its rural roads. In many towns and cities, rolling blackouts are common during repairs to the lines. These lines lead back to ancient coal power plants which require tons of coal a day to operate and usually burn in an unregulated fashion, coating most things around the plants in a layer of dust. The main power plants are in northern Turvin, near Turvin Ghada, and outside of Baslov, Thuzla. There is an additional power plant that feeds most of rural Thuzla, but is primarily meant for the military infrastructure around mount Narshov. There is also a large dam on the Ashlun River near Carzil that is in need of repairs. Solar and wind power sources, while subsidized and researched, provide less than five percent of all power in Thuzbekistan.

Despite multiple reform programs in the last decade, energy is the single largest sector in the Thuzbek economy and infrastructure earmarked for critical repairs on a daily basis. Its aging equipment, lack of qualified workers, and general unwillingness by the Thuzbek government to give it the resources it needs are all compounding the issue.

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....History
....

Thuzbek politics first saw the light of day in the early 13th century when the first Magistrate built a short lived kingdom in Thuzla between 1310 and 1360. The fifty year reign of the Magistry of Thuzla built the foundations of Thuzlan identity. When Thuzla first took shape in the 14th century, Thuzlan politics were simple and very close the First Magistry- There was a Magistrate and there were the Magistries. Each Magistry was led by a Deputy-Magistrate which were appointed by the Magistrate from Baslov. The Magistrate himself (and it was always a male) was a dynastic ruler born of war. The warrior culture was rugged and the Deputy-Magistrates would often war with each other if there was a week Magistrate in power. However, in the repeated wars against the disunited Turvin, all the Deputy-Magistrates were united. Throughout the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries, Thuzlan politics slowly became more and more united. There were several coups in the time, replacing the dynasties nearly ever 100-120 years. However, it was not until the Noronican invasion of 1734 that Thuzlan Politics truthfully became the unifying force that would eventually push the Noronican Empire out of Turvin and establish its own government there based on the combined principes of Thuzlan and Turvinian governments.

Before 1734, Turvin had been a republic. Landowners elected representatives who ruled the nation from Ashluv, a large city on the northern coast of Turvin. From the ports of Ashluv, Bashlon, and Nassar brought it great wealth throughout the 17th century. Effective record keeping systems produced a timeline of both slow and rapid reforms. In 1697, for instance, The Republic of Turvin officially abolished the Elder Councils that were ruling the various cities and towns and established an elected local government. While this was only enforced in the larger cities of Ashluv, Bashlon, and Nassar with Carzil and most rural villages stubbornly keeping their systems until just before the Noronican invasion. These changes and the struggle to enforce them highlighted a recurring theme throughout Thuzbek history- The Reformists versus the Islamic conservatives.

Since Islam was introduced between 1000 AD and 1200 AD, Thuzbek history has been littered with cultural battles of old versus new. Even today, Thuzbekistan is in a constant cultural struggle between the Secular Socialists, the Islamic Socialists, and the Islamic Right. This is revealed in Music, Workplace culture, in small towns and cities, and in the misogynistic viewpoints of the rural Thuzbeks. However, the Noronican invasion in 1734 planted the seeds of liberal thought- of the Enlightenment and its secular, meritocratic systems. Since then, the struggle has truly been between these systems and principles and the old interpretations of the Koran.

These differences truthfully came to a head in 1937 when the conservative army overthrew the First Republic of Thuzbek and created the Magistry of Thuzbekistan, a name which was wildly popular and reflected the Islamic origins of the new fascist government. Many of today's current systems were developed under the fascists regime including the Public Education System, the religious infrastructure enjoyed by Imams across Thuzbekistan, and the beginning of nationalization of key industries were all started between 1937 and 1953. But after almost two decades of genocide and oppression, the secularist ideals of the Socialists finally confronted the fascists and, in 1953, overthrew the fascists.

After this, the Socialists established a dicatorship for the next year, then established by decree the Parliament. In the decree, the structure of the new government was laid out:

    1) There would be a Parliament with free and open elections.
    2) The Parliament would have 100 seats
    3) The Government would have an executive branch and a Legislative branch
    4) The Prime Minister would be elected by the parliament.

The new government had essentially handed all power to the fully socialist parliament. Before 1955 was out, several acts further defined how the government would work:

    1) There would be two coalitions- Vanguard and Opposition.
    2) The Vangaurd would be made up of the largest socialist parties at the beginning of each election and those parties would be assigned 60 of the 100 seats. The Opposition would be all other parties and would make up 40 of the 100 seats.
    3) The executive would be controlled by the Prime Minister and would have almost limitless power.
    4) A vote of no confidence could be initiated by any member of parliament but required 65 votes to pass.
    5) The Prime Minister would serve a 6 year term.

Throughout the next years, many amendments and overhauls would be passed, but the basic structure remained the same. The parties themselves, though, rarely did. The International Socialist Party, known for its secular and anti-sovereignty agenda, would consistently be the most powerful party in the government, holding no less than 20 seats of the 60 assigned to the five parties. However, its popularity is only high among socialists themselves, but, given that only verified socialists can vote in vanguard parties, this was clearly not the opinion of the majority. In each election, socialists would elect the Internationalists by a large sum. However, the Vanguard Coalition's total votes have always been close to equal or far less than the opposition's total votes. Despite this, the seats were already assigned.

This is due to the controlled voting system passed in 1961 after a 1958 saw the Islamic Socialist Party and the openly fascist party of Thuzbekistan win a majority of seats in the opposition and enabled the right wing to control the swing votes. After this incident, the "Voting Act of 1961" defined who could belong to a party, stating the following:

"Believing in the security of the party's ideology from outside threat by means of insidious voting from within, this act hereby establishes the following requirements to join any party:

    1. The individual seeking entrance to a party must be checked and the individual's ideology confirmed by the party in question to be one with the party's ideology.

    2. The party in question must ensure that the individual is honest. It will be the party's responsibility to ensure ideological solidarity.

    3. If the party does not verify the individual's ideology, then the party will be reprimanded by the Coalition and the Government.

    4. In order to vote, an individual must join a party."

Initially, this was met with mass protests. However, as 1961 became 1962, those protests shifted attention to the oncoming famine. By the end of 1963, over 50,000 Thuzbeks were dead and at least 300,000 thousand were near death. Only aid from the UCCR stopped the spreading famine. Even so, nearly 100,000 Thuzbeks died of government inefficiency.


....Justice System
....

Overview

The Ministry of Justice is the center of all legal activities in the People's Republic. Technically a part of the Thuzbek Government's Executive Branch, it has maintained a status of independence and set itself to a standard of objectivity and respect for procedure since it was founded in 1955 despite its first cases being to try the war criminals that survived the revolution. At the head of the Ministry is the Minister of Justice, who is appointed by the Prime Minister. Below the Minister of Justice is the Deputy Minister, who is also appointed by the Prime Minister. These ministers are primarily responsible with the administering of the ministry itself rather than the leading of the courts. Instead, a panel of 10 former judges and lawyers are voted in by judges presiding over the courts. This panel approves new judges and lawyers and holds them accountable as well as setting the ethics and procedural rules of the courts. This separation of powers is only found within the Ministry of Justice, which is the only ministry which strives to be objective and apolitical.

Organization

Local Courts:
  • Minor disputes (small claims)

  • Misdemeanor Criminal and Civil violations

  • Local filings (marraige, divorce, custody, etc.)

Provincial Courts:

  • Major Disputes (large claims)

  • Major Criminal and civil violations

  • Inter-district disputes (city vs. city or district)

  • Appeals from lower courts

National Court:

  • Crimes against the state

  • Inter-Provincial disputes

  • Appeals from lower courts

  • Rulings on acts of Parliament

  • Inter-government disputes and appeals


The Justice Ministry is divided into two sections: Administrative and Judiciary. While the Minister of Justice and the Deputy Minister both technically control the entire ministry, their roles are limited to the administrative tasks of running the Ministry rather than the courts themselves. The Courts are controlled by the Judiciary Council, which is elected by the presiding judges at the time. The Judiciary Council has the power to move cases, replace judges and attorneys, and to dissolve courts if need be. The courts themselves are divided into three groups: the Local, Provincial, and National Courts. The Local courts are the most numerous, presiding over small towns, districts, and cities. The Provincial Courts are the next level above them and have courthouses in Baslov, Ashluv, Nassar, and Bashlon. The National Court is headed in Ashluv and are presided over by a triumvirate of judges appointed by the Judiciary Council.

Court Procedure and Make Up

All court rooms in Thuzbekistan are run by three judges except for the National Court, which is run by five judges. In most trials, a panel of six peers are present and assist in ruling on guilty or not guilty. While the main arguments are made to the panel, judges vote independently of their ruling, using it mostly as an advisory committee. This was not originally how the courts were run, but without a specific clause in the "Justice Acts" (which created the courts in the Revolutionary Decade) to bind the judges to the ruling of the Panel, there was no reason for the judges to adhere to that ruling. However, it is the norm to do so.

When a case makes it to trial, the judges read the charges out to the accused, who pleads guilty or not guilty. On a not guilty plea, the accuser's representative (not necessarily a lawyer) will argue the case. The Defendant's representative then argues their case, attempting to disprove the accuser's case as there is no presumption of innocence in Thuzbekistan. Any evidence to support the cases would have been made known to all parties and been entered into the court preceding the trial. Once the trial is completed, the Panel will convene to vote and rule on the guilt or innocence of the defendant. Once the verdict is made, the judges will vote on both the verdict and the sentencing in private chambers. Upon reaching a decision, they will announce their decision either in writing or in the court room to the defendant.

Requirements of a Judge

Judges are the power holders of the Judicial system in Thuzbekistan. From the lowest of courts to the National Court, judges decide the fate of Thuzbeks everywhere whether they find themselves in Parliament, the executive, or on the streets of Ashluv. As such, the Judiciary Council has strict requirements of who becomes a judge and who cannot. These requirements hold judges to a high level of moral and ethical standard and have been fashioned from decades of tweaking since their creation. The requirements, also called the Judicial Code, were introduced in their present form in 1998:

The Judicial Code Memorandum of 1998
An Applicant for a judge must be:

  • At least 65 Years of Age,

  • Of good moral and ethical upstanding, finding themselves with a clean record, in Allah's good graces, and a trusted member of their community,

  • Educated by an accredited University

Read factbook

Miklania havent had time or energy to even think about this, but go down to government on my main politics and take a look at the wip second dispatch for how things run in my nation.

Currently, there are 3 principle parties: the international socialist party of thuzbekistan, the islamic socialist party of thuzbekistan, and the conservative party of thuzbekistan. The internationalists and the islamic socialists are directly rivaled, but are part of the "vanguard" coalition. The conservatives rival both and lead the opposition. However, the islamic socialists and conservatives work against the internationalists because they are responsible for practically every pariah state kind of thing we've ever done and held power from 56-94 and again 2015 to now.

Prime minister alattin is the leader of the internationalists, former prime minister emin vedat is the leader of the islamic socialists, and the conservatives are leaderless due to the most unfortunate and ill timed death of their healthy leader to a heart attack a few months ago.

Miklania, Ostehaar, Athara magarat, and Wellsia

That is a massive help. I really need to flesh my own political stuff out. I've really got a lot of stuff to do and redo. A soft reboot of Miklania may be in order.

Ostehaar, Athara magarat, Wellsia, Alteran republics, and 1 otherThuzbekistan

So if I'm reading this right, the International Socialist Party are your regular secular communists that want to spread the world wide revolution, the Islamic Socialist Party are the sort that are more concerned about minding their own business, and are somewhat religious, and the Conservatives are Islamic fundamentalists with a fascist streak.

Thuzbekistan

Hello bountiful place

Almorea and Nhoor

I've reached the imperial war in terms of musical history, and added in a section where you can listen to some important Hadzanyin pieces. This will eventually be expanded when I get further through the history.


Mujika dou Hadzànye
Durrbakekaba Hazana



The main hall of the Konsèrvatouâre
dou Novipou
, the heart of Hadzanyin Music
Music is an important part of Hadzanyin culture, playing a central role in the artistic traditions of the nation. As an ethnically diverse nation, the musical traditions of both the Hadzanyese and Tamang peoples have influenced the development of music over the years, and it was not until the rise of the romantic period in the 1800s that the idea of a united Hadzanyin musical style was first mooted. From this united cultural identity, many musical movements were spawned which have continued until the modern day. Hadzanye is most famous for its classical music, with composers such as Velan Chervèta and Chodron Lena remaining popular in the modern day. However, especially since the cultural changes that followed the start of the 20th century, First Imperial War and violence in the 90s, other genres of music have begun to emerge such as Club-Funk and Hadzanyin Indie, as well as pop music and H/T-Pop, genres which aim to revive traditional Hadzanyese and Tamang musical traditions and reinvent them in the modern era.

History



While historical evidence shows that music was a prominent part of Hadzanyese religious ritual from at least the prehistoric era, mainly in the form of primitive flutes and drums, it was not until the rise of the Kraja civilisation that the first traces of structured music came about. Krajan music used a very basic notation system to illustrate notes and tempo based on proportions of a string and claps, which would eventually be developed into the Chondra system of musical notation. By the time of the Krajan collapse in the first century CE, music was being used for religious and entertainment purposes. The most common instruments were improvised string instruments, including the Bourin, a traditional Hadzanyin instrument close to the Lute.

With the rise of Lâvela in 700 CE, music again gained the patronage of a powerful noble class and consequently developed more. Lâvelan court music developed a more lyrical tradition, with Troubadors developing a style whereby an ensemble of three artists would tell fabulous stories accompanied by bourin and flutes. Similar developments can be seen in the development of traditional Payijan music. It was in 983 CE that the first example of a Cow-Bell ensemble is recorded, marking the start of a notable traditional style of music.

The invasion of the Tamang hordes at the start of the eleventh century had immense impacts upon the development of Hadzanyin music. The invaders brought with them traditional instruments of their own, including the use of a bow which revolutionised string instruments, and the vocal style of throat singing. Due to the relative cultural openness of Kyungba Hang, Hadzanyese musical traditions were not repressed and instead found a place within the royal court. With the Tamang came religious changes, and the rise of Gyalamism with its emphasis on order led Hadzanyese polymaths and philosophers to believe that there must be a definite order to sounds and music. This led to the refinement of the Chondra system to a state that all but mirrored modern musical notation, as well as the creation of several new instruments with this new knowledge. Following the fall of Tamang rule in 1473 and ensuing Hadzanyese renaissance emphasis was placed back upon more traditional Hadzanyese styles of music but the Tamang were able to preserve their own musical patrimony.


"Velan Chervèta, Chodron Lena
and pupils at the Conservatory"
by Rama Milena, 1846
Hadzanyin music began to flourish in the classical area, which is usually considered to have started in Hadzanye in 1741 when Nimà Rivypon's Concerto No.1 Op.2 "Èmoda Fena" (Final Departure) was first performed. This piece, the first to involve a conventional, western orchestra, was extremely well received by the upper classes within the Principality of Montayna. It kicked off a flurry of musical activity, with multiple pieces being created. This coincided with the introduction of the Piano, an instrument which was adopted very widely. In 1783, Namgyal Lukhangwa wrote and performed Ètúde No.5 Op.13, which was the first piece to mix classical styles with Tamang and Hadzanyese influences. It is often considered to be the first example of genuinely Hadzanyin music.

In 1817 Fada-Bapsa, the last independent Tamang hangate, was assimilated into Hadzanye via a royal marriage that officially united the two nations. This marked the beginning of Hadzanye in its modern form. The royal family sought to unite the two cultures of the nation. While great stress was placed upon religious ties, it was after a concert of Lukhangwa's music that Prince Sânye Doupalè decided upon using music as a tool to create a new cultural identity. Under his patronage, the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou was founded and conductors such as Velan Chervèta began to compose monumental works. Chervèta's most celebrated work, "Symphony No.4 Op.31, "Payi de ma Kà" (Country of my Heart), was written in this style and its musical motifs celebrate the landscapes of the entire nation, with influences from the classical styles of both cultures. The Romantic-Nationalist era, as it is known, continued until the start of the twentieth century and produced many of the most iconic Hadzanyin pieces.


Djidâ Bènirà, third President of the
Hadzanyin Social Republic and key
proponent of Futurism in music. 1933.
The romantic era is usually held to have finished in Hadzanye in 1903, when Pé Khalma's groundbreaking work Ètúde No.15 Op.42 "Idé Chèrvâdzo" (Wild Idea) was first performed at the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou. The piece was inspired by Khalma's own struggles with depression, as well as her involvement with the anti-clericalist and leftist Rènéssansse movement. The piece, which only lasts two minutes, stripped away the ideas of orderly emotion and noble intention that characterised the romantic movement in favour of an exploration of raw emotion and fear. While Khalma was expelled from the Conservatory for the performance due to its political and religious messages, word spread quickly and soon a new musical movement had been spawned. The Rènéssansse artistic movement, which rebelled against religious principles and embraced the chaotic nature of man's existence, quickly rose to popularity, riding widespread popular anger with the monarchical system and corruption within the Gyalamist clergy who were seen to be complicit in abetting the abuses of the time. In response, conservative elements of Hadzanyin society began the Kontre-Rènéssansse, an artistic and societal movement which defended traditional institutions.

With the Primrose August uprising in 1913 and the chaos that surrounded the collapse of the Hadzanyin monarchy musical expression flourished. While institutions such as the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou which were heavily affiliated with the Kontre-Rènéssansse maintained their loyalty to traditional styles, the revolutionary government found backing amongst the avant-garde of the La Grandzeta Artistic Caucus. Futurists, the Grandzeta Caucus aimed to completely upturn artistic norms and revolutionise society. Their leader is usually recognised as Djidâ Bènirà, who also led the local revolutionary committee. Bènirà eventually rose to the post of President of the Hadzanyin Social Republic, implementing a program of rigorous ideological constraint upon the arts in Hadzanye. Khalma, originally one of the founding voices of Avante-Garde musical expression in Hadzanye, was imprisoned in 1917 following her criticism of the government. Forced to flee abroad, she lived in NATION until her death in 1948. The Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou had most of its administration fired, with many conservative members being executed, and was closed in 1929. It would not open again until the fall of the Social Republic at the hands of the Empire of Magarat in 1934. New styles such as Futurist music and Jazz first emerged in this era.

Modern Era



Music remains extremely important to Hadzanyin culture. The rise of the radio and applications such as !Spotify have allowed for music to enter firmly into the public sphere, with 94% of Hadzanyin's polled in a 2018 poll by Sètrou dou Rètsètche Nachyonale saying that they listened to music in their own time at least once a week. While private musical listening is the most popular way to listen to music, public performances are still extremely popular. The Ministry of Culture has maintained as one of its goals that "culture be available to all people", which had led to monthly performances by the State Symphony Orchestra of

Classical music in modern-day

!Brazilian funk

!french indie

!T/H Pop

Musical Education in Hadzanye


Key Pieces


  • LinkConcerto No.1 Op.2 "Èmoda Fena" (Final Departure), Nimà Rivypon, 1741. Often considered the first piece of Hadzanyin classical music, Rivypon's first concerto depicts the march of the Hadzanyese army into battle at Cholum Pass, during the wars of Hadzanyin unification.

  • LinkÈtúde No.5 Op.13, Namgyal Lukhangwa, 1783. Inspired by the music of Tamang military bands as well as the developing classical scene, this piece was the first piece that drew inspiration from both Hadzanyese and Tamang traditions and is often considered to be the ancestor of Hadzanyin classical music.

  • LinkSymphony No.4 Op.31, "Payi de ma Kà" (Country of my Heart), Velan Chervèta, 1821. Possibly the most famous piece of Hadzanyin classical music, Chervèta's fourth symphony was inspired by the steppes of northern and central Hadzanye and the traditions of both the Hadzanyese and Tamang peoples. He received immense royal support from Prince Sânye Doupalè for the work, allowing him to produce other important pieces such as his 1827LinkSymphony No.6 Op. 37, "Travêcha di Pyanna" (Traverse of the Plains) which played upon similar themes.

  • LinkSymphony No.8 Op.43, "Voyâdzo èntre lè Tamanyè" (Journey among the Tamang), Chodron Lena, 1830. Often considered to be Lena's greatest work, this lengthy symphonic suite was inspired by the composer's service within the Hadzanyin Army in Fada-Bapso following the unification of the country. Its four movements each tell different tales, with the first recounting his journey across the steppes, the second based upon the legend surrounding the life of Kyungba Hang, the third inspired by his love for his wife Mani and the fourth based upon a traditional wedding.

  • LinkÈtúde No.15 Op.42 "Idé Chèrvâdzo" (Wild Idea), Pé Khalma, 1903. The piece which kicked off the Rènéssansse, Khalma's piece is highly controversial and still rather divisive in Hadzanye. Despite this, the sheer skill and creativity of Khalma's musical skill have granted it high regard. Its deliberately chaotic style critiques the Gyalamist ideals of order, Khalma herself being an atheist, while its theme of despair was inspired by her own depression.

  • LinkSonata No.5 Op.50, "La Mouâ" (Death), Sidèm Boulandjire, 1907. Often touted as one of the masterpieces of the Kontre-Rènéssansse, "La Mouâ" was written by the rector of the piano department at the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou following the death of his wife. It explores the diffferent stages of grief and celebration of a lost one's life. The similarity of its subject matter to Khalma's "Idé Chèrvâdzo" means that the two are often compared.

  • Read factbook

    Razzgriz, Athara magarat, Almorea, and Nhoor

    Hadzanye wrote:I've reached the imperial war in terms of musical history, and added in a section where you can listen to some important Hadzanyin pieces. This will eventually be expanded when I get further through the history.

    Mujika dou Hadzànye
    Durrbakekaba Hazana



    The main hall of the Konsèrvatouâre
    dou Novipou
    , the heart of Hadzanyin Music
    Music is an important part of Hadzanyin culture, playing a central role in the artistic traditions of the nation. As an ethnically diverse nation, the musical traditions of both the Hadzanyese and Tamang peoples have influenced the development of music over the years, and it was not until the rise of the romantic period in the 1800s that the idea of a united Hadzanyin musical style was first mooted. From this united cultural identity, many musical movements were spawned which have continued until the modern day. Hadzanye is most famous for its classical music, with composers such as Velan Chervèta and Chodron Lena remaining popular in the modern day. However, especially since the cultural changes that followed the start of the 20th century, First Imperial War and violence in the 90s, other genres of music have begun to emerge such as Club-Funk and Hadzanyin Indie, as well as pop music and H/T-Pop, genres which aim to revive traditional Hadzanyese and Tamang musical traditions and reinvent them in the modern era.

    History



    While historical evidence shows that music was a prominent part of Hadzanyese religious ritual from at least the prehistoric era, mainly in the form of primitive flutes and drums, it was not until the rise of the Kraja civilisation that the first traces of structured music came about. Krajan music used a very basic notation system to illustrate notes and tempo based on proportions of a string and claps, which would eventually be developed into the Chondra system of musical notation. By the time of the Krajan collapse in the first century CE, music was being used for religious and entertainment purposes. The most common instruments were improvised string instruments, including the Bourin, a traditional Hadzanyin instrument close to the Lute.

    With the rise of Lâvela in 700 CE, music again gained the patronage of a powerful noble class and consequently developed more. Lâvelan court music developed a more lyrical tradition, with Troubadors developing a style whereby an ensemble of three artists would tell fabulous stories accompanied by bourin and flutes. Similar developments can be seen in the development of traditional Payijan music. It was in 983 CE that the first example of a Cow-Bell ensemble is recorded, marking the start of a notable traditional style of music.

    The invasion of the Tamang hordes at the start of the eleventh century had immense impacts upon the development of Hadzanyin music. The invaders brought with them traditional instruments of their own, including the use of a bow which revolutionised string instruments, and the vocal style of throat singing. Due to the relative cultural openness of Kyungba Hang, Hadzanyese musical traditions were not repressed and instead found a place within the royal court. With the Tamang came religious changes, and the rise of Gyalamism with its emphasis on order led Hadzanyese polymaths and philosophers to believe that there must be a definite order to sounds and music. This led to the refinement of the Chondra system to a state that all but mirrored modern musical notation, as well as the creation of several new instruments with this new knowledge. Following the fall of Tamang rule in 1473 and ensuing Hadzanyese renaissance emphasis was placed back upon more traditional Hadzanyese styles of music but the Tamang were able to preserve their own musical patrimony.


    "Velan Chervèta, Chodron Lena
    and pupils at the Conservatory"
    by Rama Milena, 1846
    Hadzanyin music began to flourish in the classical area, which is usually considered to have started in Hadzanye in 1741 when Nimà Rivypon's Concerto No.1 Op.2 "Èmoda Fena" (Final Departure) was first performed. This piece, the first to involve a conventional, western orchestra, was extremely well received by the upper classes within the Principality of Montayna. It kicked off a flurry of musical activity, with multiple pieces being created. This coincided with the introduction of the Piano, an instrument which was adopted very widely. In 1783, Namgyal Lukhangwa wrote and performed Ètúde No.5 Op.13, which was the first piece to mix classical styles with Tamang and Hadzanyese influences. It is often considered to be the first example of genuinely Hadzanyin music.

    In 1817 Fada-Bapsa, the last independent Tamang hangate, was assimilated into Hadzanye via a royal marriage that officially united the two nations. This marked the beginning of Hadzanye in its modern form. The royal family sought to unite the two cultures of the nation. While great stress was placed upon religious ties, it was after a concert of Lukhangwa's music that Prince Sânye Doupalè decided upon using music as a tool to create a new cultural identity. Under his patronage, the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou was founded and conductors such as Velan Chervèta began to compose monumental works. Chervèta's most celebrated work, "Symphony No.4 Op.31, "Payi de ma Kà" (Country of my Heart), was written in this style and its musical motifs celebrate the landscapes of the entire nation, with influences from the classical styles of both cultures. The Romantic-Nationalist era, as it is known, continued until the start of the twentieth century and produced many of the most iconic Hadzanyin pieces.


    Djidâ Bènirà, third President of the
    Hadzanyin Social Republic and key
    proponent of Futurism in music. 1933.
    The romantic era is usually held to have finished in Hadzanye in 1903, when Pé Khalma's groundbreaking work Ètúde No.15 Op.42 "Idé Chèrvâdzo" (Wild Idea) was first performed at the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou. The piece was inspired by Khalma's own struggles with depression, as well as her involvement with the anti-clericalist and leftist Rènéssansse movement. The piece, which only lasts two minutes, stripped away the ideas of orderly emotion and noble intention that characterised the romantic movement in favour of an exploration of raw emotion and fear. While Khalma was expelled from the Conservatory for the performance due to its political and religious messages, word spread quickly and soon a new musical movement had been spawned. The Rènéssansse artistic movement, which rebelled against religious principles and embraced the chaotic nature of man's existence, quickly rose to popularity, riding widespread popular anger with the monarchical system and corruption within the Gyalamist clergy who were seen to be complicit in abetting the abuses of the time. In response, conservative elements of Hadzanyin society began the Kontre-Rènéssansse, an artistic and societal movement which defended traditional institutions.

    With the Primrose August uprising in 1913 and the chaos that surrounded the collapse of the Hadzanyin monarchy musical expression flourished. While institutions such as the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou which were heavily affiliated with the Kontre-Rènéssansse maintained their loyalty to traditional styles, the revolutionary government found backing amongst the avant-garde of the La Grandzeta Artistic Caucus. Futurists, the Grandzeta Caucus aimed to completely upturn artistic norms and revolutionise society. Their leader is usually recognised as Djidâ Bènirà, who also led the local revolutionary committee. Bènirà eventually rose to the post of President of the Hadzanyin Social Republic, implementing a program of rigorous ideological constraint upon the arts in Hadzanye. Khalma, originally one of the founding voices of Avante-Garde musical expression in Hadzanye, was imprisoned in 1917 following her criticism of the government. Forced to flee abroad, she lived in NATION until her death in 1948. The Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou had most of its administration fired, with many conservative members being executed, and was closed in 1929. It would not open again until the fall of the Social Republic at the hands of the Empire of Magarat in 1934. New styles such as Futurist music and Jazz first emerged in this era.

    Modern Era



    Music remains extremely important to Hadzanyin culture. The rise of the radio and applications such as !Spotify have allowed for music to enter firmly into the public sphere, with 94% of Hadzanyin's polled in a 2018 poll by Sètrou dou Rètsètche Nachyonale saying that they listened to music in their own time at least once a week. While private musical listening is the most popular way to listen to music, public performances are still extremely popular. The Ministry of Culture has maintained as one of its goals that "culture be available to all people", which had led to monthly performances by the State Symphony Orchestra of

    Classical music in modern-day

    !Brazilian funk

    !french indie

    !T/H Pop

    Musical Education in Hadzanye


    Key Pieces


  • LinkConcerto No.1 Op.2 "Èmoda Fena" (Final Departure), Nimà Rivypon, 1741. Often considered the first piece of Hadzanyin classical music, Rivypon's first concerto depicts the march of the Hadzanyese army into battle at Cholum Pass, during the wars of Hadzanyin unification.

  • LinkÈtúde No.5 Op.13, Namgyal Lukhangwa, 1783. Inspired by the music of Tamang military bands as well as the developing classical scene, this piece was the first piece that drew inspiration from both Hadzanyese and Tamang traditions and is often considered to be the ancestor of Hadzanyin classical music.

  • LinkSymphony No.4 Op.31, "Payi de ma Kà" (Country of my Heart), Velan Chervèta, 1821. Possibly the most famous piece of Hadzanyin classical music, Chervèta's fourth symphony was inspired by the steppes of northern and central Hadzanye and the traditions of both the Hadzanyese and Tamang peoples. He received immense royal support from Prince Sânye Doupalè for the work, allowing him to produce other important pieces such as his 1827LinkSymphony No.6 Op. 37, "Travêcha di Pyanna" (Traverse of the Plains) which played upon similar themes.

  • LinkSymphony No.8 Op.43, "Voyâdzo èntre lè Tamanyè" (Journey among the Tamang), Chodron Lena, 1830. Often considered to be Lena's greatest work, this lengthy symphonic suite was inspired by the composer's service within the Hadzanyin Army in Fada-Bapso following the unification of the country. Its four movements each tell different tales, with the first recounting his journey across the steppes, the second based upon the legend surrounding the life of Kyungba Hang, the third inspired by his love for his wife Mani and the fourth based upon a traditional wedding.

  • LinkÈtúde No.15 Op.42 "Idé Chèrvâdzo" (Wild Idea), Pé Khalma, 1903. The piece which kicked off the Rènéssansse, Khalma's piece is highly controversial and still rather divisive in Hadzanye. Despite this, the sheer skill and creativity of Khalma's musical skill have granted it high regard. Its deliberately chaotic style critiques the Gyalamist ideals of order, Khalma herself being an atheist, while its theme of despair was inspired by her own depression.

  • LinkSonata No.5 Op.50, "La Mouâ" (Death), Sidèm Boulandjire, 1907. Often touted as one of the masterpieces of the Kontre-Rènéssansse, "La Mouâ" was written by the rector of the piano department at the Konsèrvatouâre dou Novipou following the death of his wife. It explores the diffferent stages of grief and celebration of a lost one's life. The similarity of its subject matter to Khalma's "Idé Chèrvâdzo" means that the two are often compared.

  • Read factbook

    Nice job!

    Razzgriz, Nhoor, and Hadzanye

    Almorea wrote:Nice job!

    thanks!

    Almorea

    Almorea wrote:Nice job!

    I agree!

    Almorea and Hadzanye

    Oh also I need somewhere for Pé Khalma to live in exile after she gets cast out by the Social Republic

    Hadzanye wrote:Pé Khalma

    When and who is this person?

    Scantarbia wrote:When and who is this person?

    1920-48 she's a democratic reformist and piano master

    Hadzanye wrote:1920-48 she's a democratic reformist and piano master

    Could use pre-independence Keverai, when it was still being run by the Ahnslens

    Hadzanye

    Ainslie wrote:Could use pre-independence Keverai, when it was still being run by the Ahnslens

    Keen

    New isa

    Alteran republics

    Hadzanye wrote:Oh also I need somewhere for Pé Khalma to live in exile after she gets cast out by the Social Republic

    Could go to the jewel in the crown of the Noronica Empire: Dominion of Altera.

    Alteran republics wrote:Could go to the jewel in the crown of the Noronica Empire: Dominion of Altera.

    Didn't it have some questionable racial stuff going on at the time

    Athara magarat

    https://cdn.discordapp.com/attachments/276069920901431318/622346886413549568/Screenshot_212.png

    Let's start praising Lord Alteran republics for the wonderful greyscale map that made this possible.

    Now this map is that of a "temperate TWI". Which means, everything is forested (and in general has similar climate). I think it would be better for TWI to have "Northern Hemisphere" setting. With that setting, we would have southern TWI nations having more "arid", "desert-like" or "hot" climate in general. Now the thing is, some of you guys in south have either "tropical hot" climate or basically what temperate like everyone else. So, it's up to you fine ladies and gentlemen to decide what you want:

    Either a TWI map that is entirely forests or a TWI map that is "arid and desert-like" in south.

    Miklania, Cosie, Menna shuli, Martenyika, Linaviar and Noronica (for Charbagnia).

    Edit: This is about CK2 TWI mod. And please remove tags when quoting.

    Athara magarat wrote:https://cdn.discordapp.com/attachments/276069920901431318/622346886413549568/Screenshot_212.png

    Let's start praising Lord Alteran republics for the wonderful greyscale map that made this possible.

    Now this map is that of a "temperate TWI". Which means, everything is forested (and in general has similar climate). I think it would be better for TWI to have "Northern Hemisphere" setting. With that setting, we would have southern TWI nations having more "arid", "desert-like" or "hot" climate in general. Now the thing is, some of you guys in south have either "tropical hot" climate or basically what temperate like everyone else. So, it's up to you fine ladies and gentlemen to decide what you want:

    Either a TWI map that is entirely forests or a TWI map that is "arid and desert-like" in south.

    Miklania, Cosie, Menna shuli, Martenyika, Linaviar and Noronica (for Charbagnia).

    In relation to your mod or blanket applied to the region? If it's the latter, it is not your call.

    «12. . .22,16822,16922,17022,17122,17222,17322,174. . .24,38924,390»

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